By Alice McDermott
The issue of tort reform has proven to be present in almost
every tort we have encountered throughout our studies this year. However, maybe
our focus has been misplaced, or that is what David M. Engel would have one
contemplate after reading his book The
Myth of the Litigious Society. Tort reformers wish to reign in what is
often thought to be sleazy personal injury lawyers, outrageously unpredictable
awards, overly sensitive plaintiffs and unfairly, as well as unequally, pursued
and punished defendants. Engel argues that although these are real issues, they
are more like the outliers in our civil litigation system and should not be
viewed as the most compelling issue facing the U.S. tort system. Instead we
should be worried about the number of victims who are not suing and are instead
absorbing the costs, which are not just monetary, of their injuries.
An interesting point made by Engel came through his
zoomed-out study of how the tort system is studied. In an early chapter, Engel
examined the various diagrams used in studying tort victims. In law school we
are often confronted with tidy, linear charts to better explain certain
concepts or ideas. Engel criticized tort law being attempted to be condensed
into a pyramid chart, pp. 33-34, arguing that the process after an injury for
tort victims is anything but linear. Later, Engel returned to this idea that
responses after an injury are more sporadic, multi-directional, and complex
than our tidy way of thinking about what comes after an injury, pp. 72-73. Even
if a victim comes to the conclusion that he’d like to claim, reality does not
proceed in that tidy unilateral direction. Engel instead explains the
“post-injury experience” of a victim with the idea of “looping,” where a victim
thinks and responds in a variety of ways, p. 74. I had failed to ascertain the
many challenges faced by victims besides the consequences of the immediate
injury. In particular, I thought an interesting point made by Engel was the
weight which societal stigma, as well as the class of the parties, pressured
victims to question their right to be compensated for their injury, as well as
whether or not they should even bother to try to make a claim for their injury,
pp. 101-02. It is important to realize that money equals power, which often can
equal influence, and therefore perpetuate an unfair perception that victims who
pursue a claim against their tortfeasor are money-hungry and opportunists.
Before engaging with Engel’s theory and assertion of America
being mislabeled as a sue-happy society, I had been critical of New Zealand’s social
compensation system. I believed their social compensation system was inadequate
and too forgiving of tortfeasors. I felt as if this system failed to fairly
compensate victims for injuries they had suffered. Unbeknownst to me, I had
certainly fallen into the assumption that Americans sue frequently for
tort-based wrongs and receive ample compensation. However, the reality as
indicated by Engel is that the overwhelming majority of tort victims in America
lump their injuries instead of pursuing a claim against the tortfeasor. It was
only after concluding Engel’s novel that I began to consider how beneficial the
New Zealand compensation model might be for the U.S. tort system, especially in
considering the staggering number of victims who do not pursue claims.
In reflecting upon the multi-directional reality of a
victim’s thoughts and responses after the injury, I began to understand why the
New Zealand compensation model is not only convenient because it gets rid of the
headache of litigation, but also that it is kinder to victims. As tort reform
has us believe, I had previously focused on the unfair consequences of civil
litigation against accused tortfeasors, especially those with deep pockets, and
not the many problems facing victims.
Although I do not entirely agree with the New Zealand
approach, I believe that a modified version could help alleviate the problems facing
the U.S. tort system as well as decrease the number of victims who remain
uncompensated despite being wronged. In the U.S., a victim’s recovery is based
on his loss and is entitled to any damages he can prove. In the New Zealand
compensation system, which replaced tort litigation, a victim is automatically
compensated by the government, although not 100%, but then again, there are no
litigation costs. I previously saw the fact that victims in New Zealand are not
made entirely whole by the compensation automatically received as a flaw, but
upon reflection, in practice, neither are U.S. victims, even if they are able
to recover against a defendant for every loss, because of the high
transaction costs of litigation that eat away at a significant amount of a
U.S. plaintiff’s recovery.
I disagree with how all-encompassing the New Zealand
compensation system is and would instead choose to limit where and when the
automatic compensation would kick in for victims versus when they would have to
pursue litigation. In my compensation system, plaintiffs should only be able to
take advantage of my proposed version of “automatic” compensation in limited
circumstances. I propose a cap at a certain maximum amount for the recovery,
which would vary by the tort, and is suitable especially for instances when the
victim otherwise would have been seeking an amount against a defendant for less
than that maximum amount anyways, or else the victim must instead pursue
litigation. Additionally, my new compensation system would be limited to claims
between two people. Note that this does not mean claims between two parties: if
a victim wants to recover against a company, an organization, or multiple
defendants, for example, the traditional route of litigation must be pursued. My
compensation model is only available in cases of “simple” torts or claims where
the facts and law are cut and dry. I understand these “perfect storm”
circumstances are not always the reality, and for more complicated matters the
claim should be pursued by way of the traditional route. It is not meant to
replace all tort litigation like the New Zealand model does, but instead act as
a “channeling” tool to give more victims the opportunity to actually receive
compensation and not lump because they lack the resources to pursue a claim or are
intimidated by litigation.
My compensation model would pay the victim only after a
series of steps that must be completed within a certain amount of time from the
alleged injury. Again, this would vary by the tort. The victim first must fill
out a compensation request, checking off the “boxes” or categories of injury
and recovery being sought, as well as waive their right to pursue litigation
against the tortfeasor, providing necessary documentation and records for the losses
endured, which would then be reviewed and a “damages” quote sent to both the
victim and the tortfeasor. The tortfeasor has a chance to refute that quoted
amount with a similar form, attaching necessary documentation. Upon review of
this objection, the compensation distributors will either reduce the damages,
decline to adjust the amount, or void the victim’s compensation request and
recommend traditional litigation because they feel the claim is more
complicated than those the compensation system is in place to address. The compensation
will then be distributed to the victim and the tortfeasor would be billed for
that amount. The tortfeasor is not given the opportunity to make additional
objections against the victim’s recovery. My system is victim-friendly and meant
to make it easier for them to receive compensation, completely cut transaction
and litigation costs for both parties, as well as incentivize the would-be
defendant by offering a reduction in what could have been a much higher award,
a compromise made the victim in pursuing this route instead of litigation.
My compensation system is meant to be required in certain
torts under a narrow scope of circumstances and optional for victims in other
instances. I think it would help change the public perception of the U.S. tort
system as well as allow litigation to be reserved for serious, compelling
cases. It will serve as both a deterrence to future tortfeasors and allow
society’s perception of the civil litigation system, as well as compensation in
general, to shift by reducing frivolous litigation and righting wrongs
committed against individuals with this uniform and conflict-free resolution
option.
In sum, Engel offered an important and distinct perspective
about the realities of the post-injury process which all tort victims go
through in one capacity or another, and why it leads them to lumping rather
than making a claim. I do not agree with Engel on some of his points, like his
attempt to incorporate religious ideologies and traditions to explain the
phenomenon of lumping because it seemed advantageous to point at only certain
ideas in Buddhism and Christianity yet leave out something like the Code of
Hammurabi which would have been applicable in this conversation. However, Engel
does accomplish his purpose of challenging the reader to address their
preconceived notions about tort law in the U.S., as well as remember the
importance of advocacy for victims.
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