By Nick Booth
According to author David Engel, the
entire conversation on tort reform is based on a misconception. In Engel’s book
The Myth of the Litigious Society: Why We
Don’t Sue, the following question is proposed: why don’t more injured
people seek legal recourse? (Engel, location 80). The inquiry leads Engel
to one imaginative hypothesis: tort reformers change public opinion to be
anti-plaintiff, through public relations campaigns, which causes injured
individuals to avoid the tort system (Engel, location 116). For Engel,
the problem of the missing plaintiff can be explained in part by social disdain
for plaintiffs in the tort system, a finding that would have most people
reevaluate how they view the legal system, as well as creating a need for a
solution to correct the aforementioned misconception.
Tell a random person on the street that
Americans are over-litigious, and they would probably agree with you. However,
as Engel found, “approximately nine out of ten injured Americans choose to lump
rather than claim” (Engel, location 354). The act of lumping is when a
plaintiff with a valid legal claim “. . . absorbs the wrong rather than taking
action against another party” (Engel, location 323). Lumping is not
limited avoiding a lawsuit, as it can occur when an injured party avoids any
potential remedy, maybe insurance or arbitration, in favor of incurring the
cost themselves (Engel, location 336). Engel’s argument is that the public has built
up feelings of resentment towards opportunistic injury plaintiffs, possibly
looking to scam the system, when in reality that plaintiff does not exist. Of
course there are individual plaintiffs that take advantage of the tort system
through deception, but this phenomenon does not happen frequently enough to
consider opportunistic plaintiffs a problem worthy of tort reform. There are
two interesting answers for why lumping occurs, personal reactions to actually
injuries and real efforts to falsely frame the public’s perception of the tort
system.
First, injured people do not act
rationally (Engel, location 2522). As Engel points out, “. . . the
disabling effects of an injury, especially a traumatic one, reduce the
likelihood that victims will demand compensation from the injurer or will seek
help from an attorney” (Engel, location 2536-42). Therefore, there are
behavioral explanations for why people might not be immediately act in their
own self-interest when dealing with an injury caused by another person. Second,
there is a negative public view of the plaintiff’s role in the tort system
(Engel, location 2542). People are not willing to ostracize themselves
from their social groups by becoming a tort plaintiff (Engel, location
2548). However, this negative view is not held by accident, but was instead the
formed through public relations campaigns. For example, the common
misperception that Sella Liebeck was a frivolous plaintiff, suing McDonald's
over a coffee spill, when she was in fact the victim of a horrific incident
caused by risky business practices (Engel, location 1802). Thus, not
only are individuals themselves unlikely to be mentally and physically capable
of pursuing a claim after an injury, plaintiffs are also publicly discouraged
from pursuing claims. These are two answers Engel provides for why the myth of
the over-litigious American is both wrong and pervasive.
While Engel’s discover is clearly
interesting, as it challenges the widely held norm of over-litigious Americans,
it leads to one conclusion: tear down the current debate over tort reform.
Before reading this book, I also held the incorrect view that Americans are
more likely to sue and blame someone else for their injuries. However, being
informed that most injured parties don’t sue created a new set of concerns. The
main concern I took away from this reading is how powerful the misconception of
the tort system is for parties looking to avoid future tort lawsuits. Defendants not only benefit from favorable public opinion, which means more
support from potential jurors, but they are also, in reality, not being sued.
Therefore, if the current discussion about the tort system, and any potential
tort reform, is allowed to continue, then the system will continue to favor
defendants, both at trial and by suppressing plaintiffs.
To rectify the problem of the missing
plaintiff, Engel proposes an opposing campaign to change the cultural
perception to match the reality of how many injured parties actually make
claims against the party that injured them (Engel, location 2795). However,
any opposing campaign would be going against the established public opinion
that individuals are waiting for the first hangnail that they can blame on an
opposing party in court. Thus, it would be interesting if there was a way to
accelerate this change in public opinion. Moreover, it would be a positive
experiment to see more injured parties sue. If that were to happen, then the
public could finally decide whether Americans are in fact over litigious or if
there are real injury claims that need to be remedied and prevented.
Throughout The Myth of the Litigious Society: Why We Don’t Sue, Engel creates
an interesting counter narrative against the view of the over litigious
American. For Engel, the problem of the missing plaintiff can be explained by
both examining how individuals react to injuries and how groups have sought to
create a false narrative about plaintiffs, which is a finding that can help to
challenge the false narrative for its readers, and is beneficial to any
campaign that would wish to change the public perception of the tort system.
If Americans were actually too eager to file injury suits, then the actions of
these plaintiffs could lead to positive regulations, industry practices, and remedies
for injured people.
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